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Vol. XVI, No.3 Spring, 2002
Letter From Crandall Kline on a Peace
Plan for Israel <firstname.lastname@example.org>
After 34 years of trying, Israel should
begin to realize that their policy of "We're going to hit you until you
say 'Uncle'" isn't working. Israel should give up on trying to extract
a "Right of Israel to exist" statement from the Palestinians. That
statement would not be a guarantee of future peace anyway. Israel has
no right to capture land and hold it. We fought WW II to stop Hitler
from doing the same thing. They should give up any claims to the land
captured in 1967. Arguments such as "We used to own it" and "God gave
us the land" have no validity. If they did, we would be in big trouble
with the American Indians. Israel should give up all the land captured
in the 1967, pull out all their settlements, and rely on its strong
military to deter any Arab attack. Israel has no reason to fear an
attack. The U.S. should guarantee to protect it, if it hasn't already
done so, and we should invite Israel to become a member of NATO to
further assure her protection. Thank you.
Mid-East Commentary By Ahmed Bouzid
Reprinted from the Internet. Ahmed Bouzid
is president of Palestine Media Watch. website: http.//www.pmwatch.org.
October 21 2001
Imagine if Aug. 19, 1953, had come and
gone, uneventfully. Imagine if Operation Ajax, coordinated by the
British MI6 and the American CIA, which toppled the flourishing
democracy in Iran of Mohammed Mossadeq, had never left the drawing
board. Imagine if the Western-educated Mossadeq, a charismatic leader
who was massively backed in Iran by a burgeoning middle class, had been
allowed to peacefully lead his country to become the first truly Muslim
democracy in the Middle East. And imagine if his government had been
allowed to assume its obligations and responsibilities, as stipulated
by the 1906 constitution, and if the Shah had been allowed to reign but
not rule, as again stipulated by the Iranian constitution, and imagine
if Britain and the U.S. had not been egged on by oil companies livid
over Mossadeq's nationalization of oil interests in Iran but instead
had stayed out of Iran's business and not intervened. Imagine what
would have likely happened.
Had the coup never taken place, Iran
probably would have gone on to build a sturdy, inclusive democracy that
would have brought about a far more durable stability than what the
Shah--forever tainted in the eyes of his people as a weak, easily
manipulated Western puppet--ever managed to deliver.
Had the coup never taken place,
democratic Iran would have long ago done away with the myth that Islam
and democracy are incompatible. More important, nationalist and
anti-colonialist as it was, Iran would have handsomely served as the
model to follow for the dozens of Arab and Muslim states that had
recently gained, or were about to gain, independence from colonial
occupation, thus averting their alignment with the Soviet bloc as well
as the rise of homegrown thugs and dictators.
Had the coup never taken place, the
ayatollahs, who had supported the coup against Mossadeq, would never
have gained their political clout. Indeed, the Shah saw in the
conservative ayatollahs the perfect partners against the radicalism of
the left and the liberalism of the middle class.
Had the coup never taken place and the
ayatollahs never been given the political clout they had enjoyed under
the Shah, the June uprising of 1963, which was fueled by the clerics'
unhappiness with the Shah's attempts at modernization, would also have
never taken place. Hence no harsh crackdown would have followed the
uprising, nor would have a little-known cleric, a certain Ayatollah
Ruhollah Khomeini, gained international attention as the spiritual
leader of that confrontation against the Shah.
Had the coup never taken place, Khomeini
would have remained a little-known cleric. Instead, he was exiled for
14 years, a time during which he cultivated his image from that of a
charismatic leader to that of a sacred returning messiah. And during
those 14 years, the prospect for the emergence of a truly democratic
Iran grew dimmer while Islamic radicalism, associating all that is
Western with the hated Shah and his supporters--principally the
U.S.--took a deeper hold on the passions of an increasingly frustrated
Had the coup never taken place, there
would not have been a hostage crisis, and neither would the U.S. have
severed its relations with Iran and imposed economic sanctions. Both
actions, more than 20 years later, remain in effect to this day. Had
the coup never taken place, Saddam Hussein would have never dared
invade Iran in September 1980. The U.S. would never have sided with
Iraq's dictator and neither would it have committed itself to a policy
of ensuring that Iraq not lose the war. It would not have supplied
Hussein with crucial assistance or turned a blind eye to his egregious
crimes against his people.
Had the coup never taken place, Hussein
would not have found himself by the end of the war against Iran as the
commander of one of the largest armies in the Middle East. More
important, he would have never been under the impression that, as long
as he restricted his aggression to fellow Muslims and kept off Israel,
the world would only decry and condemn him but never act.
Had the coup never taken place, chances
are that Iraq never would have invaded Kuwait, and the U.S. never would
have had to orchestrate a massive military campaign against his army,
let alone establish bases on Saudi soil. It would not have rendered
talk about human rights and international law totally meaningless and
hypocritical to Arab and Muslim ears.
Imagine a new era of foreign policy - an
era in which international law is taken seriously, respected, in which
sovereign democracies are encouraged, nurtured, applauded, rather than
fought against, stifled and killed.
Imagine if we abandoned, once and for all
the poisonous doctrines of "Iron Chancellor" Bismarck and Henry
Kissinger and instead subscribed to those of Amnesty International and
Human Rights Watch.
Imagine if we took the United Nations and
The Hague seriously, rather than treating them as kangaroo courts in
which only those causes championed by the mighty and powerful were
pursued with vigor, while other grievances were neglected and scorned.
How many millions of lives would we have saved, and how much safer and
more prosperous would the world be today?
These articles and opinions of
the authors do not constitute the endorsement of Nonviolent Change nor
its publisher, Organization Development Institute, or any of its staff.
©2002, 2003, 2004,2005. All rights reserve. The Nonviolent
Change Journal is published by the Research/ActionTeam on
Nonviolent Large Systems Change - an interorganizational and
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