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Vol. XX, No. 1                                                                     Fall, 2005

Nonviolent Change Journal helps to network the peace community: providing dialoguing, exchanges of ideas, articles, reviews, reports and announcements of the activities of peace related groups and meetings, reviews of world developments relating to nonviolent change and resource information concerning the development of human relations on the basis of mutual respect.

 

 

WORLD DEVELOPMENTS

Steve Sachs

 

     The coming of fall brings with it a growing problem for world peace, the increasing likelihood of the proliferation of atomic weapons, made more difficult by Bush administration policy and lack of adequate diplomacy. Daryl Kimball, President of the Arms Control Association, noted,  "The 2005 nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) RevCon in New York comes to a close today failing to produce agreement on any substantive reports or statements. This represents one of if not the most acute failures in the history of the NPT, with none of the three 'main committees' reaching agreement on key treaty issues (disarmament, nonproliferation and regional security, and peaceful uses of nuclear energy under strict and verifiable control). Why? During the first three weeks, the conference could not agree on an agenda or work program because the United States sought to block discussion of nuclear disarmament-related commitments and decisions from the 2000 and 1995 NPT Review Conferences, leading Egypt and other non-aligned states to insist that the conference should refer to them and discuss them (as reported by Global Beat: http://www.nyu.edu/globalbeat/index.html#fizzle)". Other bush administration policy encouragements of nuclear proliferation have been its refusal to honor earlier U.S. pledges to work to faze out its nuclear weaponry, insisted upon by non-nuclear nations in return for their support of non-proliferation, instead launching new U.S. nuclear weapons programs, and taking a hard line diplomatically with North Korea and Iran, while threatening them in invading Iraq (which temporarily made the U.S. less able to respond to those nation's proliferation efforts). 

 

     Iran appears to have decided (as some commentators predicted) that it is more important for it to be impendent in producing nuclear fuel for its electricity generating reactors, and to have the option (which it is likely perusing) of nuclear weapons development, with probable UN sanctions, than to avoid sanctions and rely on economically beneficial European supplied nuclear fuel for peaceful purposes only. At this writing the European Union (EU) is attempting to persuade Iran to reverse its decision to begin enriching nuclear fuel, and the UN has not yet taken any action on Iran's commencing uranium enrichment. Dafne Linzer, in the August 2 Washington Post, reported that the new National Intelligence Estimate includes credible indicators that Iran's military is conducting clandestine work, but there no information linking those projects directly to a nuclear weapons program. Rather, primarily through its nuclear energy program, Iran is acquiring and mastering technologies that could be diverted to bomb making.

 

     Meanwhile, talks between the U.S. and its five Asian collaborators (particularly China, who has taken a leading roll in getting North Korea back to the negotiating table) and North Korea continue to be on and off, with the only agreement, to date, to continue the series of talks. On the positive side, North and South Korea continue to take moves toward reconciliation. Leaders of the North Korean Communist Party made their first visit to the South Korean Parliament, as part of a four day late August tour of the South Korean Capital, that culminated in a banquet with South Korean President Roo Moo Hyun. In the meantime, North Korea's food and economic crisis is increasing, even as the government is beginning to follow the Chinese move toward developing a market economic sector. The International Crisis Group, on April 29, (Asia Report N°96) stated, "Despite the deepening nuclear confrontation between North Korea and the world, the North is undergoing the most profound economic changes since the founding of the state 57 years ago. It is unclear if the regime is capable of fully embracing the market; the final outcome cannot be predicted, and no major new economic engagement should be attempted until the nuclear issue is resolved. Nevertheless, the international community has an opportunity to increase the chances that North Korea will make a successful transition from a Stalinist command economy to one that is more market-driven and integrated into the global economy. Facilitating its economic reforms remains the best strategy for pushing the North towards more acceptable international conduct. There are some important preliminary steps not involving the transfer of meaningful resources that ought to be undertaken immediately both in order to prepare for what should be done if a nuclear deal is struck and to show Pyongyang why it needs to make that deal in its own interest".

 

     In the area of preventing former Soviet: weapons of mass destruction, material for making them, and experts on producing them, from going to other nations or terrorist groups, the U.S. is currently spending less to assist Russia with weapons of mass destruction security than it did prior to Bush attaining the U.S. Presidency. Rand, June 2005, reports that Rand Corporation has a new book on the topic of diversion of WMD from thee former USSR, which can be downloaded from the web.

 

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     Western European insurance broker Aon stated, in April, that danger or terrorist attack has risen in 31 nations, many of them in western Europe. Aon published its second annual risk map, dividing the world into five categories of risk - low, guarded, elevated, high and severe. In a year's time, Iraq rose from fifth to first place in the rankings, with 2,922 terror incidents recorded in the 12 months ending in February 2005. Other countries where the risk is considered severe include India, Pakistan, Israel and the Palestinian territories, Saudi Arabia and Colombia. They are joined by Nepal and Somalia, which have been upgraded to the worst category since 2004. Almost half of the countries with an increased risk of terrorist attack were in Europe, where increased recruiting of radical Islamists for a tour of duty in Iraq has occurred, with these people returning to their own country, feeling motivated and recruiting others, according to Mr. Bassett, a former bomb disposal expert. (Times of London, April 18). PBS  Frontline in collaboration with The New York Times, made a similar finding in a January documentary (now viewable on line), pointing out that  al Qaeda's has gained greatly increased support among Muslims in Europe, over the war in Iraq as well as continuing resentment over Palestine--amplified by newly created Arab mass media. This is providing a growing source of new recruits who see al Qaeda as an effective tool for combating what they--or at least the religious advisors inciting them--see as U.S. world domination. The documentary includes several interviews with European anti-terrorist

security experts, who are increasingly alarmed at Washington's handling of the situation.         The recent successful, and later unsuccessful, bombings of London subways and busses are manifestations of the increased terrorist activity in Europe. Former CIA analyst Larry Johnson stated, in April, on his Counterterrorism blog that in order to avoid admitting that the Global War on Terror is not working, Condoleeza Rice's State Department has concealed the State Department's Congressionally-mandated annual report on terrorist incidents from public scrutiny. The latest report shows that the number of reported terrorist incidents jumped from 172 significant attacks in 2003, to 655 in 2004. 300 of those incidents took place in Kashmir. The most important increase in terrorism, according to Johnson, has been Iraq. Rand Corporation (Rand 2005, down loadable in pdf format), includes an essay by terrorism expert Bruce Hoffman noting that world wide terrorism has been increasing dramatically, including suicide attacks. "Excluding 9/11, for 2001, there were 188 deaths. In 2002, there were 384; 2003 saw 628 fatalities from suicide attacks. Within the first quarter of 2004, the number of fatalities from suicide attacks has exceeded 1,100 and none of these numbers include fatalities in Iraq. It seems very likely that we will see more suicide attacks in the United States in the future. The suicide aspect of the 9/11 attacks was essential to their success and stunning impact..."

 

    The Royal Institute for International Affairs, now known as Chatham House, recently published findings showing that the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have boosted Al Qaeda's effectiveness and increased the terrorist threat. More important, the report stated that the British government's over reliance on Washington's strategy, and its willingness to act as "pillion passenger" to the United States' war on terror has hampered British efforts to formulate an effective anti-terror strategy of its own, causing it to partially overlook its own experience fighting terrorism in Northern Ireland over a 30-year period. Political scientist, presented an analysis in an OpEd piece in IHT, May 19, holding that Former CIA analyst Larry Johnson notes in his Counterterrorism blog that suicide bombing is motivated more by a rejection of western interference in local affairs than by religion. "What nearly all suicide terrorist attacks actually have in common, is a specific secular and strategic goal: to compel modern democracies to withdraw military forces from territory that the terrorists consider to be their homeland."

 

     The war in Iraq continues to be very intense, and has become even more so, of late with an increased number of U.S. and Iraqi deaths in August. The Sunni-dominated insurgency, supported by foreign and some other fighters, continues to produce a continuous stream of suicide bombings and other attacks aimed at Iraqi security forces, kidnappings of foreign workers and diplomats, attacks on coalition troops, sabotage of public services, and, most importantly, assassinations of Shi'a leaders.

 

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Officially, U.S. "combat deaths" exceeded 1800 in early August, with over 80 officially killed in July. But the actual number of dead and wounded U.S. service people in Iraq is much higher, including a larger number of casualties not officially defined as "combat casualties" by the pentagon. In all, about 1 in 25 U.S. military personnel deployed to Iraq have died, and about 1 in 5 have been killed or wounded sufficiently to send them home. A group of British academics, counting official and news reports, estimated, in July, that 25,000 Iraqis have been killed in the war, 9% of whom were children and 9% women. An estimated 37% were killed by Americans. U.S. military authorities have dismissed the report, but admit that they don't know what the actual figure. Dexter Filkins and David Cloud reported in The New York Times, July 24, that the number of insurgent attacks in Iraq has continued at a steady pace of roughly 65 a day, but the sophistication of the attacks is increasing daily. For example, when placing roadside bombs in the carcasses of dead animals became ineffective, insurgents designed bombs that look like they are part of the curb, and are virtually undetectable until it is too late. At the same time, counter insurgency operations have not been able to reduce the number of anti U.S. supported government fighters.

 

     Michael Scheuer, Harlan Ullman, Phebe Marr, Pat Lang, Stephen Ulph and Mahan Abedin presented an analysis at a Jamestown Foundation conference, in April, stating that that the current insurgent strategy appears to be to keep overstretched U.S. forces pinned down, while attacks against Iraqis render any rational government impossible. The largely Sunni insurgents know they can't win the war. What they want is for the Shia to award them a disproportionate influence in exchange for halting the rebellion. It might also be that at least some insurgents want a separate Suni state or autonomous region. Some might hope to be able to make the cost of the U.S. remaining sufficiently high that it will withdraw, making possible a rebel victory, or at least setting conditions for a very favorable settlement. Many foreign fighters and other militants may be primarily engaged in attacking U.S. forces and their allies wherever they can find them, at least as long as the U.S. is engaged in the Middle East. In any case, it is clear that the Iraqi struggle is becoming, and may have already become, a civil war.

 

The pattern and intensity of insurgent attacks has been polarizing Iraqis, making it dangerous and very difficult for moderates to play a stabilizing role. Meanwhile, in response to continuing insurgent strikes against Shiites, there are an increasing number of Shiite attacks against Sunis. Interior Ministry special forces units, with a reputation for effectiveness and brutality, have been reported to be striking against Sunis in Baghdad and other places. Steven Vincent wrote in an OpEd piece in The New York Times, July 31, that Shia militants had infiltrated the Basra police force, and a senior police lieutenant had told him that some officers were behind many of the killings of former Baath party members in that city.

 

 Major General Peter W. Chiarelli, who commanded the First Cavalry Division in securing and rebuilding Iraq, was quoted in The New York Times, August 22 (Thom Shanker, "Success in Iraq Depends on Services and Jobs, General Says,", International Edition, p. A5) that that reconstruction to provide jobs and services are a necessary part of succeeding in Iraq. "A gun on every street corner, although visually appealing, provides only a short term solution, and does not equate to long term security grounded in democratic process." Meanwhile, the transition government in Iraq has been unable to reach agreement on a new constitution by the August 15 deadline, and continues to debate numerous provisions, and without a resolution of a number of key constitutional issues that adequately satisfies enough of the diverse interests in the country, it may not be politically possible to unify the country to the point of ending, or at least minimizing the civil strife.

 

     Thus it might be that the situation in Iraq has reached the point where it is impossible for stability to be attained in a united Iraq without a far larger number of effective forces than it appears possible to be put in place. President Bush continues to refuse to increase the size of the U.S. armed forces, and given the combination of his ally alienating diplomacy and the terrible state of affairs that his badly bungled actions have created in Iraq (note, for example, that a very large number of U.S. troops still do not have proper body armor, although it is available on the market so that family members of soldiers have been purchasing it for their relatives in Iraq!), so that it does not seem possible for adequate forces to be bought in from other nations.

 

Meanwhile, the training of effective Iraqi military and police forces is very slow, while those forces are taking high casualties, so that it seems unlikely that a sufficiently capable government force can be put in place soon enough to attain stability. At the same time, a secret British government memorandum, published by the London Daily Mail, in early July, indicates that Britain was preparing to draw down its forces in Iraq before the London bombing. The memo indicates that the U.S. was planning cutbacks as well: "US political military thinking is still evolving. But there is a strong U.S. military desire for significant force reductions to bring relief to overall U.S. commitment levels.

 

Emerging U.S. plans assume that 14 out of 18 provinces could be handed over to Iraqi control by early 2006, allowing a reduction in overall MNF-I from 176,000 down to 66,000. There is, however, a debate between the Pentagon/Centcom...who favor a relatively bold reduction in force numbers, and MNF-I whose approach is more cautious...." The reason for the U.S. troop withdrawals under serious consideration is not perceived or anticipated improvement in the ability of Iraqis to attain order and stability; rather the reductions are being proposed because of the combat exhaustion of the forces in Iraq combined with the unavailability of any where near sufficient replacements. Thus reducing U.S, forces is likely to make them less effective, and the country more dangerous for those troops remaining as well as for the Iraqis.

 

     This leaves the United States in a difficult position. On the one hand, remaining involved in an endless war not only brings death, injury, psychological trauma and great economic loss and loss to Americans and Iraqis, but it fuels anti-western and anti-American sentiment, leading to increased terrorist recruiting and training. Meanwhile, it appears that there is a political limit to how long U.S. forces can remain, with no end in sight. On the other hand, if the U.S. simply pulls out, it would likely leave Iraq in turmoil, possibly ultimately leading to another terrible regime, and or the breaking up of the country, serious destabilization of the region, and an encouragement to terrorists world wide. If a pro-terrorist regime came to power in all or an oil rich portion of Iraq, it might provide huge amounts of funding to terrorist groups.

 

 Destabilization of the region might significantly reduce global oil supplies, seriously impacting the world economy. For the moment, U.S. policy remains tied to the questionable hope that Iraqi security forces will soon be strong enough to at least allow a reduction of U.S., British and other forces. Unless the Bush Administration quickly, humbly and convincingly shifts to an extremely cooperative diplomacy (which appears very unlikely), its best remaining option has an extremely high risk.

 

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     As of late May, Bush administration international policy appeared to be continuing in the same self-defeating direction. In a speech at the World Economic Forum, Deputy U.S. Secretary of State, Robert Zoellick asserted that the US government intends to fundamentally transform the way it deals with the Middle East by replacing traditional diplomacy conducted through U.S. embassies with pressure to adopt the Bush administration's ideas on free trade and democracy.

 

Similarly, Amnesty International's Annual report, released in late May, stated that the Bush Administration's: blatant disregard for international human rights and humanitarian law in the 'war on terror' has continued to make a mockery of President Bush's claims that the U.S. was the global champion of human rights. Images of detainees in U.S. custody tortured in Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq shocked the world. War crimes in Iraq, and mounting evidence of the torture and ill-treatment of detainees in U.S. custody in other countries, sent an unequivocal message to the world, that, in the administration's view, human rights may be sacrificed ostensibly in the name of security.

 

As many other's have reported, images of human rights violations by the U.S. at Abu Garib (where the most damming photo's may be waiting release), in Afghanistan, at Guantanimo, and other places, including the U.S. sending suspects to friendly countries that engage in torture for questioning, have sharply reduced the view of he United States abroad, especially in the Middle East - helping terror group recruitment, for no perceivable U.S. benefit, as interrogation experts, including those at the FBI, have found that torture and strong intimidation produce very poor intelligence information. (A chilling account of some of this practice is in Peter Maas May 1 article in New York Times Magazine).

 

It would seem then, that the Bush Administration's approach to the world is fundamentally counterproductive, and extremely damaging to the entire planet. That is increasingly the view of people around the globe. Philip S. Golub wrote (in English) in Le Monde Diplomatique, July 12, "...The unilateralism of the United States - economic, commercial and military - is at odds with the multilateral reality of today's world. U.S. politics of military supremacy contradicts its sacred principle of free markets. Will this be a turning point of history, like the one that marked the end of the first phase of capitalist globalization, which lasted from 1880 to 1914?..."  A piece of the answer to Golub's question is likely to be what unfolds in U.S. politics.

 

On that score, Gareth Porter, writing in FPIF, April 4, proposed that the antiwar movement now avoid what he believes was a strategic error made by those opposed to the Vietnam War: demanding unilateral withdrawal, which he perceives allowed Nixon to prolong the war for four more years. Porter states that the anti-war movement than would have been more effective by focusing on developing a proposal for a negotiated settlement, which he believes would also be more effective now.

 

At the same time, there is at least one indication of some possible change in U.S. foreign policy. The Brookings Institution's Ivo Daalder noted, in Brookings, May 5, that President Bush's then recent trip may signal a return to Great Power Politics in place of the Global War on Terrorism, now that the President is realizing that GWOT has not been very effective. The question is, will Bush merely seek to change the name of this policy initiative, or will there be a substantive shift.

 

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Meanwhile, The New York Times reported on August 22 that the current year has seen the highest number of U.S. casualties in Afghanistan, since 2001, and the violence is likely to increase as legislative elections approach on September 18. Former CIA agent Michael Scheuer suggested, at the June 27 Jamestown Foundation seminar, that the recent upsurge of violence in Afghanistan is linked to Osama bin Laden's strategy of recasting the Islamic resistance movement with the U.S. playing the role of the infidel Soviet invaders. "The increased violence is mainly due to Taliban and al-Qaeda insurgents having emerged relatively unscathed from the deadliest period of Coalition military activity, October 2001-March 2002. They have since regrouped, reinforced, retrained, and rearmed. They also benefited from a two-plus-year respite resulting from the Coalition keeping its conventional units in garrison and chasing the insurgents only with Special Forces and intelligence officers.

 

The Taliban acknowledged this respite in May 2005 when it posted 'night letters' condemning Karzai for giving the U.S. permanent bases and seeking a 'strategic partnership' with Washington. The letters told Afghans that 'the principle duty of the mujahideen [e.g., those fighting infidels] has just started'." In June, President Bush was asking Prime Minister Tony Blair to place more British troops in Afghanistan. The International Crises Group (IGC) reported that month (Go to: http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm? for ICG reporting), that Independent political parties are being marginalized as September Parliamentary elections approach in Afghanistan, at the same time that popular discontent is rising because of continued insecurity, the slow pace of economic reconstruction and increasing corruption.

 

 IGC finds that intolerance of political opposition stunting the development of a pluralistic system was largely responsible for past Afghani violence. If current laws constraining political parties are not changed, Afghanistan risks further chaos.

 

The International Crises Group April 18 report expressed concern, that Instead of empowering liberal, democratic voices, the Pakistani government has co-opted the religious right and continues to rely on it to counter civilian opposition. By depriving democratic forces of an even playing field and continuing to ignore the need for state policies that would encourage and indeed reflect the country's religious diversity, the government has allowed religious extremist organizations and jihadi groups, and the madrasas that provide them an endless stream of recruits, to flourish. It has failed to protect a vulnerable judiciary and equip its law-enforcement agencies with the tools they need to eliminate sectarian terrorism.

 

     The July 25 Economist notes that the bomb attack on tourist hotels at the Egyptian resort of Sharm el-Sheik is unlikely to encourage President Hosni Mubarak to push on with the limited political reforms he has made to date. It is unclear who carried out the attack. Former CIA analyst, Michael Scheuer stated on the July 25 airing of the PBS News Hour, that he believes that Al Qaeda has franchised itself. The only thing that is clear is that Egypt's draconian crackdown on radicals in the 1990s is not protecting it today.

 

The Israeli pullout from Gaza and 4 settlements in the West Bank in mid August, by a very large force of unarmed Israeli security personnel, went faster than expected, with some resistance, and over 400 arrests in the first two days; but over all relatively little disturbance (and most of those arrested were released the next day). The strongest resisting settlements had their populations removed one location at a time in a few days at the end of the operation.

 

The process was very emotional, and emotionally difficult for all involved, but it transpired without major difficulty. Settlers are being compensated between $400,000 and $800,000 each for removal. At least 55% of the Israeli public approves of Ariel Sharon's decision to remove settlements from Gaza. The 45% who object, are passionate opponents of removal, placing the Israeli Defense Forces between competing loyalties and concerns, which the settler movement attempted to exploit. Haaretz, July 19, describes a weekend protest march,

 

"They stood in long lines, the youths of the rule of law and the youths of total belief. One was silent and scared, the other was pressuring for refusal. One was idle, the other was calling out, 'Jews don't banish Jews.' At 9:30 P.M., Border Police officers stopped the orange march, two kilometers from Netivot. Was there really a need? Was it right to use Israel Defense Forces soldiers to stop a civilian rally inside sovereign Israeli territory? At 10:30 P.M., none of this mattered. The dynamics of arbitrariness on the one hand and unsupervised rebellion on the other had taken their toll. Spread out on the yellow fields was a sight that looked like it came out of pictures of wars in the Middle Ages. There were long lines of police officers and soldiers and Border Police officers, and there were masses of religious warriors. And the cry echoing into the night: Soldier, police officer - refuse orders. Soldier, police officer - refuse orders." Israeli security personnel overwhelmingly obeyed orders throughout the withdrawal.

 

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Resistance to the withdrawal of settlements also has led some settlers to attack Palestinians and Israeli Arabs, perhaps for some out of anger, and for others in the hope that escalating Palestinian-Israeli violence would derail removal. Maariv reported that from January to April settler attacks on Palestinians soared by 52%, with more than 265 cases being brought against settlers being suspected of disturbing order and exercising violence against Palestinian civilians, compared with 174 cases brought against settlers between January and April, 2004.

 

In June a former soldier killed 3 Israeli Arabs on a bus, before being beaten to death by the other passengers, and a similar murderous attack occurred in August. While many settlers are coming to terms with the Israeli government on moving out of Gaza, a sizable group of others in the settler movement have been marching and demonstrating, often with threats of violence.

 

In July, there occurred the "Orange Shirt March" towards Gush Katif, that Uri Avnery described as "a distant echo of the 1920 'March on Rome' by Benito Mussolini's 'black shirts' that overthrew the Italian democracy. Some 20 thousand soldiers and police were mobilized to stop them. On the face of it, the army and police won, since the orange shirts did not reach the Gaza strip. But for three days, under the blazing sun, the rebels put on public display their determination, unity and discipline". Avnery concluded, "None of the big public organizations - from the Bar Association and the Chambers of Commerce to the Journalists' Association and the academic bodies - found it necessary to raise their voice in defense of democracy, while the orange militants were flooding all the TV channels, which made no attempt to present other views. The Silence of the Sheep, the silence of Weimar.

 

I hope that all this will change when the confrontation approaches its climax. I hope that Israeli democracy will find in itself the hidden strength that was so tragically lacking in Weimar. But this will not happen if courageous people do not sound the trumpet, and if the silent majority does not abandon its silence and demonstrate its stand in voice and color. Otherwise, the 'March on Gush Katif' will be only a foretaste of the 'March on Jerusalem'".

 

The question is what will happen now that the evacuation is completed. Israel undertook no action or negotiation about what would happen in Gaza, and to the peace process after removal. Numerous commentators say that this will make further progress more difficult, and may lead to avoidable problems. Also, it remains to be seen if this removal will make it easier or more difficult for Israel to make further withdrawals from the West Bank. The International Crisis Group, in the August 1 Crisis Watch reported "In Israel and the Occupied Territories the 5-month informal ceasefire by Palestinian militant groups was severely undermined by spiraling violence on both sides".

 

Within the Palestinian territories, Hamas has moved in a new direction over the past several months, deciding to run for Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) elections in the West Bank and Gaza, suspend all militant operations along with other Palestinian factions, and consider joining the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Hamas won local elections in nearly a third of Gaza and West Bank communities, in May, while Fatah won in 45 of the 84 communities.The Israeli government appears deeply worried that Hamas is repositioning itself in a political mode that will give it significant influence in the Palestinian Authority.

 

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On the economic front, the Palestine Trade Centre (Paltrade) in Gaza is working with the Israel-Palestine Centre for Research and Information (IPCRI), an Arab-Israeli non-governmental centre specialized in research and training to help Gaza fruit exporters meet European agricultural production standards. As a result of this joint project, 90 percent of strawberry and cherry tomato growers in the Gaza Strip now enjoy the benefits of export to European Union countries, thus raising prices of their produce as much as 45 cents per kilogram. Palestinian project coordinator Muhammad Hamlawi says the success of the project lies in its practical benefits: "Politics aside, Israeli agricultural expertise is an important source for developing agriculture in Palestine. In addition to being the most advanced, it is also the closest. If an institution like IPCRI is available to provide permits for our teams to enter Israel and reach research and training institutions, this will be very important for us (Common Ground News Service, July 1)".

 

Lebanon's elections in June defeated the pro-Syrian candidates, ending Syria's long domination of its neighbor. Some inter-factional violence continues in the country.

 

The Syrian government ended cooperation with the U.S. on terrorism, and simultaneously began has what appears to be a sweeping crack down on civil society leaders and opposition members. At the same time, Syria now contains a number of pro al Queda groups, including the Salafist movement, which emerged after former President Assad's efforts to annihilate the Muslim Brotherhood by mass slaughter in 1982. One of its leading members, Abu Musíab al-Suri, is believed to be in Iraq and is suspected of being a key Al Qaeda theoretician. (as profiled by the Jamestown Foundation, August 11, and reported by Global Beat August 15-25, http://www.globalbeat.org.)

 

Saudi Arabia has a new king, the former Crown Prince Abdullah, who has effectively been the ruler for the last decade. King Abdullah has been seen as both a supporter of reform, and traditional in values - free of corruption and deeply Islamic. He has encouraged the next generation of princes to support reform, pushed for an Arab-Israeli peace settlement, and supported dialogue with the West to counter Islamic extremism. He has also steadily expanded his de facto control of the Royal Court, the Council of Ministers, Majlis, and royal appointments.

 

Now that King Fahd's death has given him full power, it will be interesting to see to what extent he moves forward in reform. However, while some commentators see the new king as having strong alliances among factions in the leading elite, others suggest that enough factions of the royal family may now assert themselves to force a more collective rule, behind the scenes. In any case, neither the current king or any of those close to succession are young, so that Saudi Arabia may go through a number of changes of top leadership in a few years time. Also, the possibly increasing instability in the region, and the political activity of those not currently within the circle of power in Saudi Arabia, may well impact its policy and leadership in the not too distant future.1, 2005)

 

The International Crisis Group Reported, May 6, that there is growing pressure on the government of Bahrain from Shiites, who make up 70% of its population, for the reforms promised by the ruling emir to become genuine. Bahrain now serves as a crucial U.S. base in the Persian Gulf, as Saudi Arabia increasingly sensitive to the presence of U.S. troops,

 

Following a meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, during which member states urged the U.S. to establish a withdrawal time-table for U.S. military personnel based in the region, the political leaders in Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, in July, sent signals that they will soon want American military personnel to leave. Later in the month Uzbekistan asked the U.S. to withdraw in six months from the U.S. base in its country, that has been a major supply link to Afghanistan. The U.S. has criticized Uzbekistan's terrible human rights record, but the stronger reason for the action is likely pressure from Russian President Vladimir Putin, who is interested in re-establishing Moscow's predominant influence in Central Asia, as indicated by the discussions at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization gathering.

 

The removal of U.S. bases and troops from much of the Caucuses is disrupting Donald Rumsfeld's "Lily Pad" strategy of placing highly mobile resources at small jumping-off points around the world, and may reduce U.S. ability to intervene in the region. The action may also reduce the extent to which the U.S. is again making the mistake it did during the cold war of militarily supporting anyone opposed to its then enemy, "communism", resulting in helping to keep in power a number of extremely bad and unpopular regimes, and ultimately leading to instability and armed conflict in some of those countries. Indeed, much of the instability and continuing violent struggle in Africa, that the U.S. is now concerned about transforming, is the result of the U.S. and the USSR indiscriminately arming governments and groups across the cotenant.

 

China also will be happy with U.S. withdrawal form the Caucuses, as it does not want to be militarily encircled by the United States. The six members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (S.C.O.) has the overall strategic aim for Beijing and Moscow of curbing U.S. influence in Central Asia, in order to establish a joint sphere of influence there. For China, the first, goal is to obtain clear access to the considerable energy resources of the region, and the second is to expand markets for its goods, outlets for investment and collaboration against Islamist movements. Russia hopes to restore some of its influence over its "near abroad."

 

The  $3.6 billion Baku-Ceyhan Pipeline project is going ahead, that will eventually carry a million barrels of oil a day from the Caspian to Turkish port of Ceyhan, without crossing Russia, and allowing the oil to be placed directly into supertankers. Simply filling the pipeline itself requires 10 million barrels and will take several months. To date, Caspian oil had to transit via pipelines in Russia. It should be noted, first, that the volume of oil will not be sufficient to meaningfully reduce U.S. reliance on Middle Eastern oil. Second, the pipeline will cross Caucuses nations and regions whose politics are uncertain.

 

ChevronTexaco, in May, foiled an attempt by the China National Offshore Oil Corp. to buy Unocal, America's ninth-largest oil company, as China's rapidly expanding demand for oil is creating competition with the U.S. In late August the China National Petroleum Corporation acquired a Canadian oil firm with substantial reserves in Kszakhstab for $4.18 billion. There are indications that China will continue to seek acquisition of sources of energy.

 

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At the same time, a study by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), released in April, indicates that China faces some potential serious financial difficulties, that could impact heavily on its own and the world economies, from excessive credit, investment, exports and bad loans. "China's economic planners are also running enormous risks for China and for the global trading system as a whole by attempting to accomplish with a turbo-charged export-led strategy in one generation the economic developments that should have been the work of two".

 

The government of Indonesia and Aceh rebels signed a peace treaty, August 15, which if put into effect will end 30 years of civil war. The International Crisis Group (http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?) states, "The political context is more promising than at the time of the failed 2002 Cessation of Hostilities Agreement but difficult details remain to be worked out on everything from amnesties to political participation.

 

A number of measures need to be taken urgently, including disseminating information in Indonesian and Acehnese; coordinating the agencies working on amnesty, disarmament, reintegration, monitoring and funding; ensuring that government promises to various groups are quickly kept; preparing communities to receive returning GAM members; and protecting vulnerable groups, including those who report violations. Maintaining support in Jakarta is as important as keeping the two sides in Aceh on board".

 

In a major breakthrough for pace in Northern Ireland, the Irish Republican Army (IRA), in late July, formally ordered an end to its armed campaign and says it will pursue exclusively peaceful means. All IRA arms are to be decommissioned as rapidly as possible, with verification by the Canadian General John De Chastelain's decommissioning commission, with two church ministers, a Protestant and a Catholic, invited to act as witnesses. The Independent Monitoring Commission, which examines paramilitary activity, has also been asked to produce an additional report in January 2006, three months after their next regular report. 

 

British Prime Minister Tony Blair said it was a "step of unparalleled magnitude", and the British Army has begun moving troops out of Northern Ireland, and dismantling some facilities, with the idea of eventually cutting its Northern Ireland military contingent in half. During the fall, the government will introduce legislation to allow the return of paramilitary fugitives. In a joint communiqué, the British and Irish governments welcomed the statement and said if the IRA's words "are borne out by actions, it will be a momentous and historic development....Verified acts of completion will provide a context in which we will expect all parties to work towards the full operation of the political institutions, including the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive, and the North-South structures, at the earliest practicable date."

 

The Northern Ireland Secretary, Peter Hain, says he would like to see Sinn Fein members taking places on Northern Ireland's Policing Board as soon as possible.  DUP leader Ian Paisley greeted the statement with skepticism, saying that the IRA had "reverted to type" after previous "historic" statements. "We will judge the IRA's bona fides over the next months and years based on its behavior and activity," he said. He add that the IRA had also "failed to provide the transparency necessary to truly build confidence that the guns have gone in their entirety".

 

Ulster Unionist Party Sir Reg Empey, told the BBC's World at One it would take time to convince the people of Northern Ireland that this was more than just rhetoric. He said: "People are so skeptical, having been burnt so many times before". SDLP leader Mark Durkan welcomed the statement, saying it was "clear, clean and complete", but "long overdue". He called on Sinn Fein to commit to the new policing structures in Northern Ireland, as his party had done. The IRA pledge was welcomed by the United States administration as "an important and potentially historic statement".

 

A White House statement said the words must now be followed by actions and acknowledged there would be skepticism, particularly among victims and their families. "They will want to be certain that this terrorism and criminality are indeed things of the past."  Later in July, the Northern Ireland police increased patrols after a series of attacks on Catholic Churches and Catholic owned pubs in and around Ballymena, in County Antrim, that are blamed on loyalist (hard line Protestant) paramilitary groups. There have been calls from many parties around the country to end the violence. In late August, for three consecutive nights Protestant and Catholic youths clashed in Belfast, following a soccer game, with resulting property damage but few major injuries.

 

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      The International Crisis Group reported in late May that Kosovo Albanian politics remain extremely fractious, with mutual distrust between the two leading parties, President Rugova's Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) and Hashim Thaci's Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK), distracting politicians from seeking a consensus position for the approaching negotiations on Kosovo's final status. At that time, tensions had become so bitter that there was a danger of inter party murders.

 

In Serbia, three days after national television had broadcast a film of Serbs executing six young Muslims after the fall of the Bosnian enclave of Srebrenica in July1995, the leading newspaper Politika wrote on June 4, "The truth has been smashed in our faces, painfully and mercilessly." "The Serbian public is aghast, because it has finally seen that someone actually committed bestialities in uniform and with Serbian insignia."

 

The showing may bring about a new and more realistic perception of the most recent Balkan wars among the Serbian population. The International Crises group says that Serbia still needs to further develop nongovernmental organizations and independent media to complete the development of democracy.

 

Macedonia has finally completed the implementation of the Ohrid Peace Accord, ending civil strife with tits Albanian community. The countries stability still faces uncertainties, externally involving the settlement of the status of neighboring Kosovo, and internally from persistent corruption.

 

As of August 10, the main stage of ethnic cleansing in Dafur appears over, with 90% of the target villages utterly destroyed, and their surviving populations fled, with protection provided only by a far from sufficient African Union peace keeping force. More than 2.4 million residents of the region - a disproportionate number of them women - have been driven from their homes; at least 200,000 have died from violence and disease and malnutrition exacerbated by the conflict. The next stage is the developing humanitarian crises among refugees.

 

     The January 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) formally ended war between the Khartoum government and the insurgent Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), Africa's longest civil conflict. Yet as SPLM Chairman John Garang was sworn in as 1st Vice-President on 9 July, the International Crisis Group (IGC) reported on July 25 that implementation was lagging badly, in the face of the old regime's lack of will to embrace genuine power sharing and elections, and ultimately allowing a southern self-determination referendum after the six-year interim period, and lack of capacity in the South to establish and empower basic structures of governance. Then on July 30,

 

John Garang, the only leader the movement has known in its 21 years, was killed in a helicopter crash. IGC reported on August 9 that, "The Sudan People's Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M) leadership has acted quickly so far to regroup and reorganize, but the loss...creates an opening for spoilers on all sides to exploit any signs of uncertainty. The country is at risk of eventually losing a peace agreement that was already looking somewhat shaky. Garang's movement must prove it can hold together without his authoritarian hand and unmatched prestige. It is now somewhat less likely to be able to make a major contribution to resolving the war and humanitarian catastrophe in Darfur or solving the simmering problems of eastern Sudan.

 

The odds of southern secession have increased, to the discomfort of the ruling National Congress Party in Khartoum. Key international players like the U.S., who helped broker the January 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), will have to do much more to help the parties save it". ICG sees the necessity of action in three areas to stabilize the situation in the short term: "First, the government and the SPLM must do everything in their power to prevent a recurrence of the inter-communal violence that erupted in Khartoum and parts of the South. They should increase joint efforts to appeal for calm, and the SPLM needs to have full access to the media and freedom of movement in possible hot spots in the North. The government must do more to restore law and order in the capital and ensure security forces accord due process to all suspected of involvement in violence regardless of their origin.

 

Garang's successor, Salva Kiir Mayardiit, needs to be installed as First Vice President on 9 August as the latest plans call for so the full Government of National Unity can be launched without delay. Secondly, the new SPLM leaders must remain united in the face of what will surely be efforts to divide them and undermine the movement. Remaking the SPLM into an open, transparent body inclusive in its decision-making was an important challenge Garang had just begun to deal with; it is more critical than ever now that he is gone. Thirdly, increased public and diplomatic support for the peace agreement and particularly the SPLM is needed at this difficult time. The troika partners, the U.S., UK and Norway, have a particular responsibility. Washington's appointment of a Special Representative was important but more must be done to ensure that hard-line elements in Khartoum opposed to the CPA do not exploit Garang's death to back away from its strict implementation.

 

The UN Security Council must react quickly to any violations of the CPA's timetable in order to keep the parties on course. The UN should move rapidly to bring deployment of its peacekeeping mission in the South back on schedule. It could also helpfully offer assistance in coordinating and facilitating investigation into the cause of the crash so that multiple inquiries do not undermine each other, and chances are maximized for the conclusions to be widely accepted".

 

In Somalia, where there is still no central government and the power vacuum invites small clashes between various militias, the International Crisis Group (ICG) reported, July 12, that amidst the international war on terror, a quiet, dirty conflict is being fought out in the ruined capital of Mogadishu, by al-Qaeda operatives, jihadi extremists, Ethiopian security services and Western-backed networks. This clandestine and complex contest waged by intimidation, abduction and assassination has seen some American successes, but is producing growing unease within the broader public. 

 

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ICG found at the end of July, that Demarcation of the Ethiopia and Eritrea border is a crucial component of the peace process as the two countries face massive humanitarian crises. So far intense diplomatic efforts by the UN, Germany and the U.S. have seen no progress and demarcation remains at an impasse. Ethiopia maintains its rejection of the April 2002 independent boundary commission decision awarding the disputed border village of Badme to Eritrea. Similarly Eritrea continually refuses to engage constructively with the UN’s special envoy. 

 

In Central Africa, ICG, stated at the end of July that, "Burundi, embroiled in ethnic warfare since 1993, is only now making painstaking headway towards national reconciliation. Meanwhile, the civil war in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), which erupted in the summer of 1998, continues in defiance of the Lusaka cease-fire agreement - having ensnared six other African governments and rebel movements from Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi".

 

This spring, the government of Zimbabwe launched Operation Murambatsvina (Restore Order), supposedly an urban renewal campaign that destroyed 700,000 Zimbabweans homes and a huge number of livelihoods, impacting nearly a fifth of the troubled country's population, in a nation already in economic and political crisis. African governments have been shocked, but find it difficult to be critical, making it problematical for European and other nations to bring about responsive action at the U.N or elsewhere.

 

Kofi Annan's sending Anna Tibaijuka, the Tanzanian director of UN Habitat, as his Special Envoy to report on the operation, has directly confronted the international community, in Africa and beyond, with its responsibility to help protect the people of Zimbabwe. The International Crisis Group stated in Africa Report 97, August 17 (including detailed recommendations for action: www.crisisgroup.org), "While an immediate requirement is to reverse as thoroughly as possible the disastrous humanitarian effects of the operation, action is urgently needed to address Zimbabwe's larger governance problem. This will require efforts on three parallel tracks -- the maintenance of overt international pressure, support for building internal political capacity and, above all, active regional diplomacy to facilitate political transition".

 

 

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In Swaziland, an absolute monarchy for more than 30 years, with a royal leadership that ignores worsening social ills and a small elite that is often openly corrupt, opposition to the current regime has been growing, while a new constitution that further codifies broad royal powers and privileges is in the final stages of preparation. Opposition in recent years has included strikes and demonstrations by trade unions, students, religious groups and youth movements, as well as periodic waves of arson and bombings against government buildings.

 

Direct political violence is still more talked about than actual but frustration is building. IGC (Africa Briefing No. 29, July 14) states that "Multilateral African institutions, the EU and key countries like South Africa and the U.S. have been too willing to accept the royalists' line that any change must come very slowly. More pressure from the outside is needed to help pro-reform elements inside the country bring back a constitutional monarchy and genuine democracy that are the best guarantees Swazi instability will not eventually infect the region".

 

Kenya was struck by the worst violence in post-colonial history, killing 76 and displacing 9,000, in July.

 

Brazil did not renew its contract with the International Monetary Fund, when it expired at the end of March. During the last contract, from 1998 to 2003, the Brazilian economy showed no growth, with Brazils IMF credit being used to pay on some of the loans to foreign investors by the fund's largest debtor nation. Moving away from the neoliberal policies espoused by the IMF (and World Bank), Brazil's economy expanded by 5.2% in 2004.

 

The IMF is returning to Brazil under a new three-year arrangement, that the Brazilian government helped design (with collaboration from the Inter American development Bank), allowing the government flexibility in its new $1 billion loan, that it will use to invest in infrastructure improvement projects, that it was blocked from undertaking under the previous contract. For the first time, the IMF has no say in what Brazil invests in, only that the projects be economically sound. The IMF is generally revising its policies in Latin America, under pressure from a number of the continent's governments and international NGOs, and with the acquiescence of the U.S. Treasury Department. It has been accepted that Argentina will pay back 76% of its debt, and the Presidents of Brazil, Argentina and Venezuela signed an accord, in March, to collectively negotiate debt repayment.

 

Ecuador experienced a shut down of its oil industry for two days, in mid-August, as a result of very strong demonstrations, at first demanding more of the oil revenue to go for local services, and then calling for nationalization of the nation's oil industry. Sufficient order was restored on the third day by the army and police to allow a beginning of a return to petroleum production, but the unrest continues to threaten the stability of the weak national government.

 

Bolivia, following the replacing of its President with a caretaker head of state, saw its Congress set a date for new Presidential and Congressional Elections, on December 4, and authorize an assembly to rewrite the constitution and schedule a referendum on giving more autonomy to the countries regions.

 

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While the Bush administration is promoting new elections in Haiti, and providing diplomatic, military and political support to the government of interim Prime Minister Gerard Latourtue, hooded police and death squads are reported to be suppressing the supporters of former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, whose Lavalas Party continues to hold the greatest popular support.

 

Rowan Williams, the Archbishop of Canterbury stated in April that allowing continued environmental damage risks plunging the world into political chaos, saying, "When we speak about environmental crisis, we are not to think only of spiraling poverty and mortality, but about brutal and uncontainable conflict. An economics that ignores environmental degradation invites social degradation - in plain terms, violence".

 

In May, Exxon Mobile Corporation, in a report, "The Outlook for Energy: A 2030 View" (covered by the Bulletin of Atomic Sciences: www.thebulletin.org) joined the growing number of analysts predicting that non-OPEC oil production will reach its peak in five years. OPEC oil is likely also near or at its peak. As Michael Klare reported on TomDispatch.com, June 27, "Far from being capable of increasing its output, Saudi Arabia is about to face the exhaustion of its giant fields and, in the relatively near future, will probably experience a sharp decline in output."

 

Meanwhile world demand is growing sharply, especially in China and other developing economies. Unless action to conserve energy significantly, while rapidly expanding development of renewable energy, the world is threatened with an impending economic crises, with social and political consequences that threaten large scale violence.

 

Mayors of 132 cities across the U.S. have pledged to have resolutions passed for their municipalities to comply with the Kyoto Treaty on Global Warming, and a number of those cities have done so.

 

In late July, the U.S. Australia, India and China announced a proposed alternative to the Kyoto Agreement for limiting greenhouse gasses, that would include requiring developing nations to reduce climate changing emissions, which Kyoto does not include. The opposition Australian Labor Party stated that they believed Kyoto was a better vehicle, and that Australia and the U.S. should ratify it.

 

Following demonstration and other pressure, involving NGOs such as the Rainforest Action Network, JPMorgan Chase, the second largest U.S. bank, announced in May that it was developing policies to promote sustainable forestry and indigenous people's rights, blocking funding used for illegal logging, and reducing its own and clients production of greenhouse gasses. Other banks are also joining in introducing green policies.

 

HSBC has promised to reduce carbon emissions, while Bank of America has stated that it will not invest in logging in the world's most sensitive forests. Meanwhile, 30 major banks in the U.S. and Europe have signed on to the Equator Principles, "promoting responsible environmental stewardship and socially responsible development" by evaluating the risks that projects pose for forests, natural habitats and indigenous populations. The guidelines cover 80% of the world project financing market. Similarly, the World Bank financed Oil Pipeline project from Chad through Cameron to the Atlantic had to pass numerous environmental impact evaluations before approval, provided compensation and healthcare to local people whose lives an livelihoods were impacted by the construction, and included a trust fund to provide all Chadians a share of the profits.

 

     Congress approved the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA), in June. Many commentators complaining that its predecessor, NAFTA failed to meet all of its bench marks, and led to a net loss of jobs in the U.S and Mexico, saying that CAFTA will be far more damaging than it is helpful in all the nations concerned, and especially among lower income and rural people. It also contains provisions requiring Central American countries to privatize water and other services, that are likely to be costly and quite harmful to those who are less than wealthy.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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©2002, 2003, 2004, 2005. All rights reserve. The Nonviolent Change Journal is published by the Research/Action Team on Nonviolent Large Systems Change - an interorganizational and international project of The Organization Development Institute.  Opinions expressed are solely that of the writers and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the editing staff, Nonviolent Change Journal, Organization Development Institute.