Nonviolent Change Journal

Publication of the Research/Action Team on Nonviolent Large Systems Change,
an interorganizational project of the Organization Development Institute

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Editor's Comments

What Are You Up To?

Ongoing Activities

Upcoming Events

World Developments

Letters: Dialoguing

An Ecological and Anthropological Approach to Dafur

A Wall of Protection

What Abu Mazen is Thinking

The Good, The Bad, and The Ugly

The Millennium Vision

Articles

Media Notes

Reports and Announcements

Vol. XX, No. 1                                                                     Fall, 2005

Nonviolent Change Journal helps to network the peace community: providing dialoguing, exchanges of ideas, articles, reviews, reports and announcements of the activities of peace related groups and meetings, reviews of world developments relating to nonviolent change and resource information concerning the development of human relations on the basis of mutual respect.

 

 

 

 

LETTERS: DIALOGING

 

 

An Ecological and Anthropological Approach to Dafur

Rene Wadlow:

 

 

Dear Colleague,

 

     I would like to raise briefly with you the need for an ecological and anthropological contribution to the settlement of the on-going violent conflict in the four Sudanese provinces of the Darfur area.

 

     As the representative of the Association of World Citizens, a non-governmental organization, to the United Nations, Geneva, I have followed the conflicts in the Sudan for a number of years and contributed to drawing awareness of the Darfur conflict in both the UN Commission on Human Rights and the Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights.

 

     The 61st session of the UN Commission on Human Rights, which terminated on 21 April 2005, focused on the massacres, deliberate destruction of villages and agricultural infrastructure, the rape of women and girls, refugees, and the internal displacement of populations in the Darfur area.  The Commission unanimously condemned "the continued, widespread and systematic violation of human rights and international humanitarian law as reflected in the findings of the International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur."

 

     The Commission resolution also put an emphasis on preparing now for post-conflict reconstruction and ecologically-sound development based on "promoting the peaceful social coexistence between the different tribes in Darfur."

 

     Thus, planning for post-conflict reconstruction and ecologically-sound development needs to be started now drawing upon the ideas and insights of a wide circle of those concerned with the ecology of dry areas such as Darfur and the social coexistence of pastoral and agricultural groups.  Such peaceful social coexistence requires a program of ecologically-sound development based on mutually-beneficial economic and social relations as well as improved mechanisms for inter-tribal dispute settlement.

 

This need for "peaceful social coexistence"  is true for Sudan as a whole.  The conclusion of the 21-year North-South civil war by the signing on 9 January 2005 of a comprehensive peace agreement between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement sets the stage for a Sudan-wide effort of reconciliation and ecologically-sound development.  However, the Darfur conflict casts deep shadows over the stability of this North-South agreement.  Thus, an effort to end the Darfur conflict is a prime necessity.

 

I believe that proposals concerning ecologically-sound development in the Darfur area as well as proposals for social coexistence can be presented to the UN system and member governments through the Commission on Human Rights Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food, Professor Jean Ziegler.  Food is a basic need and thus the meeting point of ecological concerns and social relations.

 

     I hope that you will share this request with those you know working on ecological and pastoral-agricultural relations, as well as with government agencies so that we can bring together research and insights to contribute to a transformation of the Darfur conflict.

 

     The over two million people displaced and the 300,000 killed will leave deep scars on Darfur society. Reconciliation and cooperation among enemies will be difficult but necessary. I thank you for your help in this effort at concerted action.

 

Sincerely yours,

Rene  Wadlow, Wadlowz@aol.com

 

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A Wall of Protection

 Rajmohan Gandhi

 

Source: The Common Ground News Service (www.commongroundnews.org), July 1, 2005.

Distributed by the Common Ground News Service with permission to publish.

 

     On visits to Muslim-majority nations and in interactions with Muslim citizens elsewhere, I am often surprised at a lack of knowledge about real Muslim heroes.

 

     One such was Abdul Ghaffar Khan of Pakistan‚s North-West Frontier Province, better known as Badshah or Bacha Khan, who died in 1988 in Peshawar, at the age of ninety-eight. This Pashtun opponent of British imperialism and Pakistani authoritarianism spent a total of twenty-seven years in prison, twelve during British rule and fifteen after independence.

 

     One of his greatest achievements was to create the Khudai Khidmatgars, or the Serving Volunteers of God, a nonviolent army that for fifty years delivered the message of autonomy, unity, equality and self-reliance to the Pashtuns and non-Pashtuns of the NWFP.

 

     A devout Sunni Muslim who also cherished the pre-Islamic past of his land and proudly took guests to the Bamiyan Buddhas, Badshah Khan sent a son and, more significantly, a daughter to study in the West in 1931. Also, he was a close friend and political associate of my grandfather, Mahatma Gandhi. Thrice in the late 1930s he hosted Gandhi in the NWFP, and it is a remark that Gandhi made there in October 1938 that I would like to present in regard to Palestine/Israel today.

 

     Referring, in the town of Tank, to Hindu and Sikh minorities living amidst Muslim majorities in the NWFP, Gandhi asked the Pashtun Muslims to" become a living wall of protection to their [non-Muslim] neighbors." Added Gandhi: "A small body of determined spirits fired by an unquenchable faith in their mission can alter the course of history." (Speech of 31 October 1938 reported in Harijan, 19 November 1938)

 

    A wall of protection was what Badshah Khan also desired for minorities, and what he and Gandhi again and again asked India‚s majority Hindus to offer to their Muslim neighbors.

 

     The walls that today disfigure the Holy Land, encircling and confining Arabs in their own lands and dividing them from one another, reminded me of the different wall that Gandhi and Ghaffar Khan, whose wife Nambata lies buried in Jerusalem, sought to build.

 

     Let me attempt to describe this different wall that Arabs and Muslims generally may seek to build today around the state and population of Israel.

 

     Firstly, as distinct from the concrete walls that confine many Arabs today, this Muslim wall will be a human wall, consisting of numerous individuals believing in it.

 

      Secondly, it will be a long, crescent-shaped wall, running from Turkey to Morocco, and taking in all the Muslim nations of the Middle East and North Africa.

 

     Thirdly, it will be a confident wall, for the Muslims constituting it will be confident about the justice of the Palestinian demand for a fully independent Palestine with just boundaries with a sovereignty as complete as that of any other state in the region.

 

    Fourthly, it will be a resolute wall, for the Muslims forming it will never yield their determination to secure a fully independent Palestine with just boundaries, or their determination to ensure a nuclear-free Middle East, where neither Israel nor Iran nor any other nation keeps or acquires any nuclear weaponry.

 

     Fifthly, it will be a nonviolent wall, for those forming it will not bear any lethal arms, nor harbor any intent to kill Jews or Israelis.

 

     Finally, it will be a wall of protection, and Muslims forming it will pledge themselves to protect every innocent Jew or Israeli, drawing inspiration from past periods when Muslim rulers and citizens protected Jews, according them rights not then available to Jews in Christian lands.

 

     Many Arabs and other Muslims individually share these characteristics and thus already constitute a slender, fragile and invisible fence of protection. The question is whether it can become a thick, strong and visible wall.

 

       There are at least three reasons why the concept of such a wall should not be rejected out of hand. One, since world intervention in respect of Palestine/Israel is not working, solutions will need to grow from the region. Two, since the world is not free from anti-Semitism, Muslims may wish to take the lead in ending it. Three, the concept will remind Muslims of the confidence and tolerance existing in their past.

 

     As Gandhi said, "A small body of determined spirits fired by an unquenchable faith in their mission can alter the course of history." The mission today is peace and justice in Palestine/Israel.

 

Rajmohan Gandhi, a former member of the Indian Parliament and grandson of Mahatma Gandhi, teaches at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.

 

 

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What Abu Mazen Is Thinking

Uri Savir

 

Source: The Jerusalem Post (www.jpost.co), July 27, 2005.

Distributed by the Common Ground News Service with permission to republish.

 

     Some years ago, before Ehud Barak was prime minister, he was asked the hypothetical question: What would you do if you were a young Palestinian living under Israeli occupation?  Barak replied with surprising candour. He would most likely join one of the organizations fighting the occupiers. Indeed, whether to fight a war - or to make peace - it is imperative to understand the mindset of the enemy, to place oneself in the shoes of the "other."

 

     These days, many within our borders, and beyond, are wondering why PA Chairman Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) is not taking more forceful measures against the Hamas and Islamic Jihad terror organizations. But what would you do if were you a Palestinian Authority decision-maker?

 

     To understand the actions and reasoning behind the Palestinian leadership's assessments, I try to put myself in Abu Mazen's unenviable shoes. Having made Abu Mazen's acquaintance a dozen years ago, knowing and appreciating him on an individual level, here's what I think he's thinking:

 

 - Why should I play into Sharon's hands? He is merely interested in dividing and conquering. An internal Palestinian clash would weaken our ability to achieve our national aspirations and interests.

 

- Hamas represents a legitimate electorate and embodies a significant portion of Palestinian public opinion. Disarming this group of "terrorists" could lead to a full-fledged civil war, resulting in tragedy and bloodshed.

 

 - Terrorism is absolutely criminal and also detrimental to the Palestinian people. However, both the Israelis and the international community have short memories - the Palestinians have experienced the deaths of many more innocent Palestinians, including women and children, vis-à-vis the Israelis, rather than vice versa.

 

- The Palestinian Authority has uncompromisingly committed itself to its road map obligations, including confiscating illegal weapons and uprooting terrorist infrastructures.

 

- Yet Israel has neglected its road map commitments in relation to illegal outposts, settlements, release of prisoners and the lifting of roadblocks.

 

- Israel has avoided permanent status negotiations yet expects us to pay its full price - security ˆ in advance.

 

- Given Sharon's occupation policy in the West Bank, the Palestinian Authority would be perceived as collaborating with that occupation if we moved against Hamas and Islamic Jihad; that would facilitate the perception that Hamas is truly patriotic and we're not.

 

- Hizbullah tactics gained momentum in the quid pro quo stakes within the Israeli government in terms of prisoner release and withdrawal to 1967 lines; perhaps Hamas can tactically serve the same purpose.

 

- Israel is doing its best to prevent its own civil war. They know full well the harm internecine conflict would cause them. So why do they think a civil war is a legitimate option for us?

 

- Israelis are demanding a Palestinian Altalena - on one level I agree, however, only on the same terms as Israel's Altalena - after the establishment of the state, and certainly not under occupation.

 

- Israel used its military might to try to stop Hamas and Islamic Jihad activity yet failed. Can I really do better?

 

- Anyway, I am hoping to generate calm through dialogue and by bringing Hamas into the Palestinian political framework, maybe by promising them a future in the political arena.

 

     THESE CONSIDERATIONS cause great hesitation in fully confronting the violence of the Palestinian organizations as demanded by Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and other Israelis. But Abbas also has countervailing interests to consider:

 

     On the other hand...

 

- Although Hamas is killing Israelis, its real interest is to take the reins of a future Palestine and turn it into an Islamic-fundamentalist society;

 

- After September 11, Islamic-driven terrorism has become the number one enemy of the US and in the West. As a small nation with an Islamic majority, the Palestinians cannot afford to be identified with terror;

 

- Palestine as a state is not viable without peace with Israel and thus to a large degree a peaceful Palestine is also dependent on the Israelis; a Palestinian position on terror is integral to achieving peace.

 

- Given these strategic interests, and our belief that partnership with the US and the West is necessary, it is in our interests to tackle the fundamentalist organizations.

 

- The initial considerations are important, but the Palestinian Authority must think strategically for our nationalist desires to reach fruition

 

     For now, I can only imagine Abu Mazen's rational deliberations. I hope I am correct in my assumptions. But ultimately it is up to him as the Palestinian leader to arrive at these conclusions.

 

     As far as the Israeli government is concerned, we should not only impose conditions on the Palestinian Authority, but create dialogue on these issues and together foster a joint vision for our long-term peace and Palestine's permanent status.

 

Uri Savir is president of the Peres Centre for Peace.

 

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The Good, The Bad, and The Ugly

Khaled Duzdar

 

This commentary is one of a series of articles of views commissioned by the Common Ground News Service (www.commongroundnews.org) in partnership with Al-Hayat newspaper and reprinted by other regional news and media outlets, as part of a series of views on "Enlarging the Window of Opportunity?" distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

 

     The good is when the Israeli and Palestinian leaderships share common interests to put an end to violence and conflict. It is when they seriously seek a fair and just peace aiming to put an end to violence and suffering. It is when they seek to reach a better life for their people. It will happen when they successfully reach a two-state solution, living side-by-side in peace.

 

     The good is also when they reach a solution for the complicated issues concerning the refugees, final borders and Jerusalem. The good is reached when each of the two sides treats the other side as an equal partner with respect for their mutual benefit.

 

    The bad is what we are facing today - an impasse. The bad is when the relations between the two leaderships deteriorate day-by-day. It is when we hear accusations between senior officials on both sides everyday, and when the international community stands on the sidelines watching as the frustrations build up and the hopes for peace dissipate. The bad is when we believe that the current frozen political process will last for ever, while the extremists are gaining more support on both sides. The bad is when the Road Map is not being implemented and the international community represented by the Quartet is not fulfilling its role in observing, monitoring and guiding its implementation. The Road Map might not be the perfect tool, but it is the only available one.

 

     The Bad is when the Road Map is modified unilaterally by the parties. It is when Israel demands the confiscation of illegal weapons as a condition for any negotiations and when the US President accepts the Israeli interpretation of the Road Map. It is when the President of the United States gives Israel the right to expand and build settlements and agrees to allow Israel to take Palestinian land because of "facts on the ground."

 

     The ugly is when the US President fails to lead a peace process and fails to put pressure on Israel to live up to its commitments in the Road Map. The ugly is the realization that we are heading towards another round of unnecessary and futile violence because people are frustrated by the lack of political achievements. It is ugly when people lose their belief that peace is even a possibility for which they can hope. The ugly is when the real, recent achievements of the Palestinian Authority and President Abbas are not met with equivalent steps by Israel. It is ugly when we begin to understand that the disengagement plan designed by the Israeli PM is part of the implementation of his vision of Gaza first and Gaza last. It is ugly when Israel fails to recognize that there is a partner and continues to refuse to negotiate, favoring unilateralism over negotiations.

 

     The disengagement won't achieve peace neither will it advance the relations between the Palestinians and Israel. In fact it won't bring any changes that will solve the conflict; the disengagement is only a redeployment of forces and settlements. It is a tactical move only that will not end the occupation. The disengagement will not change the status of the evacuated land; it will still be occupied and controlled by Israel. Israel will continue to erect the so-called "security fence" and will continue to create new facts on the ground by annexing the settlement blocs and accelerating the expansion of these blocs.

 

     The ugly is when the silent majority remains silent, not raising its voice. The ugly is when the extremists gain more and more public sympathy yet they offer even less hope of peace and calm.

 

     It is bad and ugly when we fail to learn the lessons of the past. The last failure led to the outbreak of the second intifada and it will be even uglier if a current failure will cause the eruption of the third intifada.

 

     It would be good if the peace camps on both sides would move and take actions. They are the only forces that can make their leaderships change policies. The Palestinians are heading into parliamentary elections, a change of the balance of forces might occur. The silent majority shouldn't stay silent, they should speak loudly. The Palestinian voters should impose a peace agenda on the candidates; it should include a plan for solutions to end the conflict.

 

     We have seen too much of the bad and the ugly; it is time for some of the good to come our way.

 

 Khaled Duzdar is the Palestinian Co-Director of the Strategic affairs Unit at IPCRI.

 

 

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The Millennium Vision

Bill Gellermann

 

           The following vision was developed by 1,350 representatives of over 1000 Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and other civil society organizations from more than 100 countries who gathered at UN headquarters in New York from 22-26 May 2000.

 

     "Our vision is of a world that is human-centered and genuinely democratic, where all human beings are full participants and determine their own destinies. In our vision, we are one human family, in all our diversity, living on one common homeland and sharing a just, sustainable and peaceful world, guided by universal principles of democracy, equality, inclusion, voluntarism, non-discrimination and participation by all persons, men and women, young and old, regardless of race, faith, disability, sexual orientation, ethnicity or nationality. It is a world where peace and human security, as envisioned in the principles of the United Nations Charter, replace armaments, violent conflict and wars. It is a world where everyone lives in a clean environment with a fair distribution of the earthís resources. Our vision includes a special role for the dynamism of young people and the experience of the elderly and reaffirms the universality, indivisibility and interdependence of all human rights - civil, political, economic, social, and cultural."

 

      When people throughout the world are aligned based on a widely shared vision, their ability to cooperate will be significantly increased. The vision described above may be such a vision.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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©2002, 2003, 2004, 2005. All rights reserve. The Nonviolent Change Journal is published by the Research/Action Team on Nonviolent Large Systems Change - an interorganizational and international project of The Organization Development Institute.  Opinions expressed are solely that of the writers and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the editing staff, Nonviolent Change Journal, Organization Development Institute.